The paper provides an analysis of the current national security strategy Russia and the likely adjustments in the connections with changes in the military-political situation in the world after February 2022 and the transformation of NATO into a broader military-political coalition.

The article is devoted to one of the most acute issues of modern European politics – the process of Finland and Sweden joining NATO. The author examines their membership application in the context of forging partnerships between these non-aligned states both with NATO and within the framework of the Northern Defense Cooperation (NORDEFCO). Various security dilemmas induced by the two countries’ non-bloc status turndown are analyzed.

The negative dynamics of crisis relations between the US and the collective West and Russia are now inertially reproducing the preconditions for the erosion of optimistic prospects for the formation of a new world order on mutually acceptable bases of constructive strategic interaction. The growing uncertainty of these prospects is becoming a long-term factor in world politics and international relations. This is the situation in which the European Union has found itself by approving the first defence and security summit document, the Strategic Compass for Europe, at the summit in March 2022.

The authors consider the challenges and threats to Russia’s national security associated with the exponential development of information and communication technologies; evaluate the activities of the UN in this area, which should serve the entire world community by suppressing attempts by the collective West, especially the United States, to use modern high technologies to strengthen Pax Americana, countering their use for terrorist purposes.

The authors consider the challenges and threats to Russia’s national security associated with the exponential development of information and communication technologies; evaluate the activities of the UN in this area, which should serve the entire world community by suppressing attempts by the collective West, especially the United States, to use modern high technologies to strengthen Pax Americana, countering their use for terrorist purposes.

For several decades after the Second World War, a bipolar model existed in the leading countries of Western Europe with the dominance of two systemforming parties representing the “right-left” political center. Alternative parties were excluded from the active political process. In recent years, there has been a more pronounced political polarization. The formation of a Government requires the creation of broad coalitions of competing political forces. The formation of a multicomponent party power structure is an objective process.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, there has been an increasing number of attacks on the results of World War II, as well as public justification of Nazi criminals in order to rehabilitate the ideologies of Fascism and Nazism. To address the gaps associated with the lack of legally enshrined definitions of the concepts of “fascism” and “Nazism”, the article examines the interpretation, legal enshrining and legislative distinction of these concepts.

The article is dedicated to the 18th Western Slavonian Corps of the Serbian Army Krajina. It analyses the events in Western Slavonia before the creation of the corps and the preceding military organisation of Serbs in Krajina. The organizational and staff structure of the corps, the changes in the number of its personnel and the number of weapons available in it are examined. For the first time in Russian historiography the command structure of the corps’ units and formations is presented.

The geographical and cultural-historical transitory position of the Balkans has determined the ongoing struggle of the leading players in world politics for influence over the countries of the region. One of the points of the Atlanticist agenda for Balkan politicians is the Albanian factor. The West’s support for the Albanian community as the initiator of the 2001 armed conflict in Macedonia has determined the reformatting of the country’s political space. In the monograph of M. Tretyakova “Macedonia 2001. A new round of crisis” the historical preconditions and political consequences of the pivotal year in the Balkan region are explored.

The review reveals the enormous work carried out by the author on the scientific and political analysis of the Yugoslav crisis and the role of Russia in its settlement after the collapse of the USSR.